How to buy the book

You can order at History Press as well as Amazon, Barnes and Noble and other on-line retailers. I will send you a signed copy for $23, a little extra to cover shipping. I will send you both Slave Labor in the Capital and Through a Fiery Trial for $40. Send a check to me at PO Box 63, Wellesley Island, NY 13640-0063.

My lectures at Sotterley Plantation in St. Mary's County, Maryland, on September 23, 2015, and the DAR Library on December 5 are now blog posts below listed under book talks. The talk I gave
at the Politics and Prose Bookstore on February 28, 2015, along with Heather Butts, author African American Medicine in Washington, was taped by the bookstore. Take a listen.
Showing posts with label bricklayers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label bricklayers. Show all posts

Thursday, November 19, 2015

1791 letter about the brick making business

Before the commissioners hired Collen Williamson or James Hoban, they tried to hire a master brick maker. In November 1791 when Francis Cabot, a Yankee merchant left Georgetown for home, the commissioners asked him when in Philadelphia “to enquire on what terms we could get some of the most experienced brick makers to come here early in the spring.” But the report Cabot sent back made brick makers seem pretty expensive.
Quote from Slave Labor in the Capital, page 115

How essential slaves were in the brick making business is a hard to estimate. Some historians think it was the worse job they were forced to do, especially since by tradition children were used. I think brick making was probably the best way for slaves to exhibit skills that could allow them to make extra wages and thus, in time, buy their own freedom. However, I can't point to any slave who made bricks for the Capitol and White House who ever got extra wages let alone buy their own freedom. 

I can't make my case because the commissioners never hired brick workers. They used contractors to make their bricks. However, I think one of the first contractors hired in 1792, William Hill, was a free black and according to Jesuit records he was a slave in the 1760's. 

Two of the commissioners, Thomas Johnson and Daniel Carroll of Rock Creek, were slave holders who likely used bricks in their personal building project. In the 1780's a traveler said members of the Carroll family built a house with bricks that were made by their own slaves.However judging from their correspondence in late 1791, the commissioners looked to Philadelphia to find someone to run their brick making operation.

One can dismiss this as  a public relations ploy to spread the word in the then capital that the new capital was on its way, but the commissioners persisted in the quest and a Philadelphia brick maker they almost hired in 1793 did come to the city though he worked, I think, as a contractor. He even supervised the brick making for the scion of the Carroll family in the city, Daniel Carroll of Duddington. 

Certainly the man the commissioners asked to find a Philadelphia brick maker took their request seriously. The letter below describes the wage rates for the overseer of the burning and molders, and notes that laborers "conduct the rest of the business." The letter does not mention the race of the brick workers in Philadelphia. But the letter, I think, suggests the mobility inherent in brick making. Both the laborers and molders got their hands dirty and with the same clay. Only the most foolish contractor would deny an African American laborer a try at becoming a molder. If he worked in a city, a slave molder would understand the value of his labor, and finding himself the most essential cog in a manufacturing process might perhaps be able to leverage some advantages.

Below the letter from Cabot is the November 26, 1791, letter the commissioners wrote to Cabot in which they ask him to find several brickmakers.






Saturday, April 4, 2015

Did work plans for 1797mark a change in the role of slave laborers?

"Outlining the work program for 1797, Hadfield told the commissioners to hire 'an additional number of laborers... as the setting of stone and laying of bricks will require more hands.' Hadfield was raised in a British family with an antislavery view, but he needed good workers. Hired slaves helped drive the work...."

Quote from Slave Labor in the Capitol, page 95

The words sometimes used to describe workers on the Capitol and White House were imprecise despite payrolls clearly separating the different building crafts, and separating those skilled workers from laborers. That imprecision has allowed commentators to exaggerate the exploitation of slaves. But, I think, a close look at the those imprecise words shows that workers referred to as "hands" were not necessarily slaves.

From a historian's point-of-view, the young British architect George Hadfield was too vague in his planning. James Hoban has left us plans with far more detail that make clear that he was using slaves as carpenters and laborers. The March 28, 1797, letter scanned below shows that Edwards the stone carver was the man of the hour. Hadfield wanted "one or two" stone carvers hired to join him and added that preparing the facing stone "ought not to be left to common workmen."

Here Hadfield was making a distinction between stone carvers and stone cutters. Even though the latter were better paid than masons, carpenters and brick layers, to young Hadfield they were common workmen.

His request for more laborers can be read to say that he needed more laborers to set stone and lay bricks. But it is clear from payrolls and other documents in the commissioners' records that slave laborers were used to tend stone masons and brick layers. His imprecise sentence is better interpreted to mean that more laborers will be needed because more "hands" meaning masons and brick layers will be needed. It is hard to imagine that a young British architect who dismissed stone cutters as "common workmen" would use the words "hands" to mean slaves. He was unfamiliar with slave labor and would probably not use such a familiar word to refer to slave labor.

So what I find interesting in his letter is that he doesn't distinguish slaves at all. Yet when he asked the commissioners to hire more laborers, he must have realized that he was in effect asking them to hire more slaves which leads me to believe he was confident they could well tend the masons and brick layers. He was in effect endorsing the commissioners use of slave labor, which didn't prevent the commissioners from firing him for other reasons. (In another post I will share letters showing that Hadfield had no confidence in the mostly Irish brick laying crew.)


Saturday, December 6, 2014

Harbaugh's payrolls

"Since most of the commissioners' hired slaves had been helping masons and carpenters, it might have made sense for private contractors to use them."

Quote from Slave Labor in the Capital, page 150

Leonard Harbaugh began working for the commissioners as a contractor in 1792. He struggled to build the so-called Federal Bridge over Rock Creek. From 1798 through 1800 he built the Treasury building and War office that were beside the White House. He won the contracts by submitting the lowest bid. The payrolls of contractors did not always wind up in the commissioners' records, but Harbaugh usually needed more money and I think for that reason the commissioners examined his payrolls.

Harbaugh came from Baltimore and so was no stranger to slavery. The first payroll below, from October 1798, shows the compensation for the workers of his sub-contractor Samuel Wilson who was in charge of the masons' work. Since this was a brick building, these were likely brick masons, i.e. bricklayers. This was a craft that African Americans had a talent for but, since all the men listed had a first and last name, we have to assume all the men were all free. None of the last names but Wilson match names of slaveholders who hired out slaves to the commissioners. A master named Wilson hired out slaves named Alexander and David. But it is very likely that the Samuel, Thomas, Sr., Thomas, Jr., and Hugh were all related, white and free.


However, there is more to payrolls than just names. The 4th name on the list which looks like "horror cross" to me was paid considerably less than the others. The most likely explanation is that he was a teenager learning the craft. Cross is not on the book's list of slave masters.

Also of interest in payrolls is the list of days worked. The masons put in more days than the laborers which goes against the work plan fostered by the commissioners. They hired a set number of laborers by the year. Wilson evidently tapped a pool of day laborers when he needed them.

In the second payroll for carpentry work, there are only 2 laborers listed, Charles Wolf and Negro Frank. Both were paid at the same rate, 5 shillings a day, which was as much as one of the 9 carpenters on the payroll, Samuel Warring, got. William Warring only got 6 shillings a day. But no one named Warring hired out slaves to the commissioners. Plus calling one worker "Negro Frank" seems to suggest that Harbaugh categorized slaves at least, and perhaps all African American workers, as Negroes.


Given that Negro Frank was given a top wage for a laborer it is likely Harbaugh owned him, but I have not established that yet. He does appear on other payrolls working for Harbaugh.

Sunday, November 23, 2014

Payrolls for Capitol Bricklayers, March & May 1797

"A full-time free bricklayer had a network of other bricklayers he could tap."

 Quote from Slave Labor in the Capital, page 127

This a payroll for bricklayers.  In photocopying the payroll I cut off the top line. Pardon me for not getting this payroll reproduced properly but I am one unfunded man, not the National Archives which should be doing this. Years ago I circled the date on the photocopy I made to remind myself that this payroll was for half the month of March. The number "62" refers to the chapter in Through a Fiery Trial where I make reference to this payroll.


One historian has suggested that slaves hired by contractors did most if  not all of the bricklaying at the Capitol. This payroll suggests otherwise. I've been unable to find any evidence that any of the men on the payroll were free blacks. Patrick Farrell who signed the payroll was himself a bricklayer and in this instance acting as a contractor. One of the bricklayers he hired, Allen Wiley or Wyley, also contracted with the commissioners for bricklaying, but on a piece-work basis. Farrell paid his men wages by the day.

Another payroll from May 1797 shows that the bricklayers and masons got a raise from 10/6 a day to 11/3. However, only two of the men listed worked most of the month.


My guess is that the sporadic number of days works meant that the bricklayers at this time depended on the stone laying of the masons. Bricks were used to back up the stone work. Allen Wyley is the man missing in the May payroll. At some point he became a contractor working on a piece-work basis.

A letter Patrick Farrell wrote to the commissioners at the end of May shows that there was a power struggle over control of the bricklaying. The hired slaves are not mentioned in the letter:

26 may 1797,

Gentlemen, from my first Commencement in Business until my Conducting and Superintending the Brick and Rough stone work of the Capitol, being recommended by Capt. Hoban who had a Knowledge of my ability, always made it a Rule to act perfectly conformable to my Employer in a most Just and honest manner. But by which reasons I have incurred the displeasure and indignation of Mr. Hadfield, I solemnly declare I know not. Notwithstanding have experienced from him repeatedly the most insulting and ----- language and abuse in the presence of the tradesmen that could be given to any man of the least decency - declared in particular that he would break all the bones in my skin, without giving him the least provocation. Mr. Hadfield told me in presence of the Bricklayers and I adjusting their work that if I had less Activity I should be better liked and that my activity was well noticed he likewise said some time that I was kept on employment for mere charity. However his conduct and --- on the whole I pray may be discussed by the Honl Board and by the Principal tradesmen of the building that can inform ye of my conduct and behavior since my commencement. His insults and affronts on me hav caused the men to take liberty that is hurtful to the building. Making it my constant study to act for the publick good and pleasing to your Honrs to whom I prefer the whole to be regulated and adjusted as ye shall judge most consistent. As Mr. Hadfield has publickly declared I shall be discharged from this employment, these matters only could induce me to trouble you Hope for your candid decision as soon as you shall think convenient which will be most gratefully acknowledged by your....

Patrick Farrell

 p.s. Mr. Hadfield never detected me in on error, tho he well knows there has been a great many, but his delicacy forbids him to tell who was guilty of them - I am despised by the architects and reprobated by the two employers for doing my duty. But now expect to have a free trade